Congress Sanctions a Syrian Government That No Longer Exists
If a government falls in the world, but Congress isn’t around to hear it, did it really fall? Apparently not. The military budget signed into law by President Joe Biden on Monday includes a five-year renewal of the Caesar Civilian Protection Act, an economic sanctions package designed to lead to the overthrow of Syrian ruler Bashar Assad, which already happened weeks ago.
The Caesar Act is not just a case of Congress passing redundant zombie legislation. It’s also an example of economic sanctions, sold as a way to protect human rights from a dictatorship, instead causing suffering and instability. Although the architects of the law presented it as a way to punish Assad and his cronies personally, the sanctions were explicitly designed to keep Syria in ruins as long as Assad was in power.
The fact that the legislative cycle moves slower than events on the ground has led to some very telling admissions. Pro-revolution supporters who argued for sanctions on Assad’s government are now in the position of arguing against sanctions on the new government.
The Syrian American Council, which claimed in 2020 that the Caesar Act would “minimize the impact on Syrian civilians by applying highly targeted sanctions,” is now lobbying against the law. “We were in constant discussions with the opposition in Syria to extend the act,” council president Farouk Bilal told The New Arab earlier this week. “After the regime’s fall, we sought to halt its extension but failed due to the lack of time.”
The Caesar Act was named for a Syrian police defector code-named “Caesar,” who smuggled out tens of thousands of photos showing people tortured to death by Assad’s government from 2011 to 2013, at the beginning of the Syrian civil war. In 2014, Caesar testified to the House Foreign Affairs Committee disguised in a blue hoodie, and Congress passed sanctions on Syria in his name as part of the 2019 military budget.
The U.S. government insisted in public that the sanctions would only punish Assad and his cronies. James Jeffrey, who served as special representative for Syria engagement during the first Trump administration, told Arab media in 2020 that “the sanctions are carefully selected and packaged to target regime figures and not the average person.” He groaned that anyone who said otherwise was choosing to “believe Assad over the international community.”
Joel Rayburn, one of Jeffrey’s deputies, told Congress a few months later that reports of food shortages caused by sanctions were a “propaganda campaign” by the Syrian government.Â
But in addition to imposing visa bans and asset freezes on high-level Syrian officials, the text of the Caesar Act clearly states that it is designed “to deter foreign persons from entering into contracts related to reconstruction” of areas controlled by the Syrian government. Nestled inside the law’s list of sanctions targets, alongside pro-Assad mercenaries and arms dealers, is anyone who “provides significant construction or engineering services to the Government of Syria.” In other words, the sanctions would punish Assad by preventing the people under his rule from putting their lives back together.
As another former Trump administration official, Andrew Tabler, wrote in a 2023 essay: “All investors are placed on the horns of a dilemma—if they invest in Syrian reconstruction under al-Assad, they risk being cut off from trade and transactions with not only the United Stat
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